Week 4 Policy Issues

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Policy Issues
Shontay Manigault
CJS/231
12/8/2014
Gary Howard
Policy Issues
In Hilton’s (2002) “Drug Control in Central Asia” from the film “Bitter Harvest: The War on Drugs Meets the War on Terror,” several issues and circumstances become clear. The people within the (Hilton, 2002) “[…] five Central Asian nations on the Old Silk Road—Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan” are ill-prepared to fight the war on drugs, a war the narrator reveals the U.S. and other richer nations have failed to win. Additionally, the U.S. has influenced the idea of tying Islamists and Muslims to the drug trade (2002). This had led to even further divisions within society and incorrect policies engaged within Uzbekistan in particular (Marat, 2006, p. 94). After all, it has ostracized many Muslims, planted drugs on people it deemed “separatists” and perpetuated many of the policies and practices the Soviet Union used in ethnic regions (p. 94, 95; Hilton, 2002, “U.S. State”). Deepening the Divide within the Transition Zone and Cultivating Strain This merely deepens the divide between persons who seek a vibrant independent country and those that fail to believe it can happen (Marat, 2006, p. 94, 95). After all, the socioeconomic disparities, the human rights abuses and the lack of government legitimacy speak tomes. Moreover, the failure of the government to address their grievances, to meet their political, social, religious and economic demands also signals problems with corruption. It substantiates the favored educated few (p. 95). In this way, the current regimes in Central Asia are more cruel and more inefficient than those administrations established under the Soviet Union based upon ethnicity and regional economic and geographical conditions (p. 94-96). Because of this, perhaps, they have engendered the rise of the shadow economies and businesses coauthored by illegal businesses and drug trade (p. 97, 98). For citizens in each region, the history, geography, and distance from the convergence zone in the Soviet Union played a role in the current problems (Gabbidon, n.d.). After all, Tajikistan was largely agricultural and in the transition zone where people and goods move through in accordance with the transition zone rules and affiliations (Gabbidon, n. d.; Marat, 2006, p. 96, 98). Yet, Tajikistan was the most weakened of the five politically and economically after the civil war (p. 94). This, of course less to the rise of clans and militant regimes in the region brokering drug trade deals with the Afghans (p. 96). Whereas, some people have interpreted this as a break between the Communists and religion, North and South Tajikistan have fought for control. Economically exhausted, the government could not secure its borders of the region (p. 103). For people caught within the transition zone where ties are stronger than in the concentric zone where people make deals to realize economic security and success in terms of the country or more legitimate norms, the lack of legitimate government induced loose rules and mechanical solidarity (Gabbidon, n.d.). Building upon ethnic and/or religious ties within a place that was virtually unrecognizable after the Soviets, this is understandable (Marat, 2006, p. 96). After all, the people realized a disparate chance of attaining economic viability, safety and security. As Professor Robert Fuller (n.d.) articulated Merton’s Strain theory, this consequence induces strain. One could argue that those who established the cooperative agreements with the Afghans or others in the shadow industries were innovative. After all, they do work hard and are willing to reach for the economic viability to which Central Asia aspires. Some persons within the region are ritualists, those who according to Merton (as cited by Fuller, n.d.) just go along with societal norms and practices. For ethnic populations this might mean performing one’s occupation or...
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